The 25 Sheriff and Prosecutor Races Set to Shape Criminal Justice and ICE Collaboration

When Danny Tarkenton learned that federal agents had shot and killed Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis last winter, she felt concerned that her local officials would not push back should similar violence unfold in her own backyard in Spokane, Washington. “That’s why I ran to protect my community,” she told Bolts. “We can sue the agents under state crimes.” 

Tarkenton is now running for chief prosecutor of Spokane County, challenging a Republican incumbent who opposes his state’s sanctuary protections. She is among the many candidates for prosecutor or sheriff this fall who say they got in to push back against President Trump’s mass deportations agenda. The challenger to an upstate New York sheriff says he wants to “kick ICE out”; in North Carolina, another challenger is accusing the sheriff’s office of racial profiling.

But even as immigration has electrified prosecutor and sheriff races during the midterms, many other decisions await November’s winners. These are offices, after all, with vast powers over policing and punishment. 

All in all, there are 2,400 contests for sheriff and prosecutor this year, and though many drew just one candidate, plenty offer voters stark choices on the criminal legal system. 

Police misconduct looms large over November’s sheriff elections in Springfield, Illinois, and Tacoma, Washington. In Los Angeles, Minneapolis, and Omaha, voters face critical choices over how punitive prosecutors should be. And in Fort Worth, where the district attorney’s office has used its power to aggressively police elections, candidates are signaling they’d take opposite approaches to voting cases like the one of Crystal Mason, a woman who was sentenced to years in prison for mistakenly thinking she could vote while she was on probation. 

Bolts has reported on some of the nation’s most pivotal contests all year. Today, we identify the 25 elections you should monitor most closely heading into November.

California | Los Angeles County sheriff

Alex Villanueva is mounting yet another comeback. Four years after he was handily ousted as sheriff by Robert Luna, Villanueva qualified for the November runoff by finishing second in the June primary, behind Luna. He only received 22 percent of the vote.

The race is nonpartisan but Luna is a Democrat and Villanueva is now a Republican.

Villanueva’s tenure was marred by serial scandals and investigations into abuses and organized violence among deputies, as Bolts reported in 2022 during Luna and Villanueva’s first electoral showdown. 

Scandals at the sheriff’s office have persisted under Luna; for instance, jail deaths keep mounting, and Luna has refused to comply with subpoenas from an oversight body investigating controversial cases in which deputies beat or shot people. In 2022, and again this spring, progressives who hoped to reform the office rallied around another candidate, Eric Strong, but he finished third in both cycles and did not advance to the general election.

California | Los Angeles city attorney

City Attorney Hydee Feldstein Soto had a rocky tenure, including facing backlash for trying to lift restrictions on the LAPD using force against journalists; then she lost her reelection bid as early as the June primary, finishing third behind Marissa Roy, who ran to her left, and John McKinney, who ran to the right.

Now, the November faceoff between McKinney and Roy is pitting drastically different visions of the office against one another. Roy says she’ll do more to flex the powers of the office to protect tenants and hold police accountable; McKinney has emphasized prosecuting misdemeanors to combat crime and homelessness, building on messaging that led Nathan Hochman to win the county’s DA race two years ago. Stay tuned for more in Bolts.

Illinois | Sangamon County sheriff

After a Sangamon County sheriff’s deputy shot and killed Sonya Massey in 2024, sparking nationwide protest and the resignation of the local sheriff, a citizen commission met for over a year to discuss how to prevent future tragedies, Bolts reported last year. The panel released a final report in late 2025 that recommended dozens of reforms to transform policing and mental health services in the county, for instance dispatching civilian teams to respond to some emergency calls. 

Now, voters this fall are electing their sheriff, who will be in charge of actually implementing many of these changes. Republican Paula Crouch, who was appointed sheriff by county officials after Massey’s murder, faces Democratic challenger Marc Bell. 

Bell told Bolts that he was impressed by the Massey Commission and “looked forward to moving some of their suggestions forward,” though he did not name a particular policy he wanted to implement when asked for specifics. To a follow-up query about whether he’d favor setting up a civilian panel with power to subpoena the sheriff’s office, a key demand of the commission, he said he “wouldn’t have a problem with it”; Bell currently sits on a police that is tasked with oversight over Springfield’s municipal police but lacks the power to actually investigate misconduct.

Sunshine Clemons, a member of the Massey Commission and co-founder of the Springfield Black Lives Matter chapter, told Bolts that local officials, including the appointed sheriff, have shared verbal support for the calls to action, but that there’s been little by way of concrete changes over the last year. Crouch’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

“What I’m looking for in our next sheriff is someone who doesn’t just say, ‘Yes, these are important,’ but actually has a strategic plan to implement these calls to action,” Clemons told Bolts. “We’re well past the time of words and platitude.” She hopes the sheriff’s office starts releasing ongoing updates about how they’re actually acting on last year’s recommendations. In the meantime, she and other former members of the Massey Commission launched a new coalition this summer that they hope can continue to pressure the county to make reforms.

Louisiana | Prosecutors in East Baton Rouge Parish, and in Morehouse and Ouachita parishes

Ryan Thompson, a prominent defense attorney in East Baton Rouge, Louisiana’s largest parish, has clashed with the local justice system over the years. He was a lead attorney in federal civil rights lawsuits against the Baton Rouge Police Department over allegations that officers routinely abused people during interrogations inside a nearly empty police warehouse, and he has denounced local law enforcement for “differential treatment between Black and white defendants.” 

Now he is challenging DA Hillar Moore, making this the incumbent’s first contested race since 2008. 

Moore last year supported a constitutional amendment championed by Louisiana Republicans that would have made it easier to prosecute children as adults, a proposal that Louisianans ended up rejecting by a huge margin. He has also resisted efforts for clemency for people on death row. Now, Moore and a political committee that supports him are targeting Thompson’s job as a defense attorney by attacking his work on behalf of people accused of violence offenses.

Bolts is also watching Louisiana’s 4th District, home to Morehouse and Ouachita parishes.

DA Steven Tew is currently overseeing the continued efforts to prosecute Jimmy Duncan, a man who spent 26 years on death row until his conviction was overturned last year. Bolts has reported extensively on the discredited evidence in the case, and how the prosecution relied on two forensic experts peddling junk science who have been responsible for many wrongful convictions. 

Tew is retiring this year, and the election to replace him may shape Duncan’s case. Stay tuned for more in Bolts.

Maine | Cumberland County (Portland) prosecutor

When she ousted DA Jonathan Sahrbeck four years ago, Democrat Jackie Sartoris claimed the mantle of reform and told Bolts she wished to scale back how often prosecutors seek prison sentences for lower-level offenses. In office, Sartoris rolled out some changes, like no longer prosecuting cases of driving with a suspended license and expanding diversion programs to help defendants avoid a record over low-level offenses. 

These policies are squarely in the mold of what reform DAs across the country have pursued, but, in a common pattern nationwide, they’ve drawn hostility from local police unions. 

This fall, police are backing her challenger, Stephanie Anderson, who held the office from 1991 to 2018 as a Republican and is now mounting a comeback as an independent. Anderson has attacked Sartoris’ approach as endangering public safety, while the incumbent has defended her changes as “long overdue progressive reforms,” The Press Herald reports.

Maryland | Frederick County and Wicomico County sheriffs

Chuck Jenkins, the 20-year sheriff of Maryland’s Frederick County, 50 miles from the nation’s capital, has made his office a force multiplier for ICE long before the Trump administration, and long before it was commonplace among sheriffs, Bolts reported last week.

“The fear and the justified state of terror and hysteria that folks have been put in nationally under this administration is what folks have been living under in Frederick for years,” Sebastian Brown, a Frederick resident and advocate at the ACLU of Maryland, told Bolts. “That fear has been here since 2008 and permeated every part of people’s lives.”

Jenkins, a Republican, is now running for a sixth term against Democrat Karl Bickel, a former sheriff’s deputy who has lost to Jenkins by tightening margins in each of the last three cycles; Jenkins prevailed by just 3 percentage points four years ago. Bickel and Jenkins appear to viscerally detest each other. “I’d kick his ass, personally. Physically. I’d stomp his ass,” Jenkins told a Bolts reporter.

On the other side of Maryland, another longtime sheriff affiliated with national right-wing groups is also seeking reelection. In red-leaning Wicomico County, Sheriff Mike Lewis made a name for himself last decade in conservative circuits by proclaiming his county is a “Second Amendment sanctuary” and refusing to enforce state gun control laws. 

He called Maryland a “Disneyland for illegal immigrants” at a public meeting last year, in which he and other county officials decided to bow to state pressure and table their hopes of joining ICE’s 287(g) program—a partnership that effectively empowers some local deputies to act as federal immigration agents. 

He faces Democratic challenger Lana Foley, who worked with protesters last year in advocating against partnering with ICE, saying at a public meeting, “The 287(g) program isn’t about safety, it’s about fear and control.” She later urged lawmakers to ban the program—which they ultimately did with a law passed early this year.

Minnesota | Hennepin County (Minneapolis) prosecutor

Four years after her victory in Minneapolis made her one of the most visible members of the progressive prosecutor movement, Mary Moriarty chose to not seek reelection this year.

During her sole term, the career public defender worked to dial back sentencing for some offenses, clashing with some of her party’s officials in the process. And this year she has sought to flex her authority to prosecute ICE agents for violent acts, though her efforts have run into the Trump administration’s stonewalling. 

Two candidates are facing off to replace her and, much like in the 2022 election, they have support from opposite factions who disagree on the best path to safety for Minneapolis. State Representative Cederick Frazier, himself a former public defender, is more aligned with Moriarty; he has endorsements from progressive officials, including U.S. Representative Ilhan Omar as well as Moriarty allies and prominent reform prosecutors Philadelphia DA Larry Krasner and Travis County (Austin) DA Jose Garza,.

Frazier faces Anders Folk, a longtime prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, who promises a break from Moriarty’s approach to the office. “Day one, for me, the Mary Moriarty era ends,” he has said, making the case that she is not punitive enough toward people with repeat offenses. He has the support from Jacob Frey, the city’s centrist mayor, and city council members who have aligned with the mayor on law enforcement matters.

Montana | Gallatin County (Bozeman) prosecutor and sheriff 

Angered by local immigration raids, frustrated by the Gallatin County sheriff’s partnership with ICE, and then dispirited that said sheriff—Republican Dan Springer—drew no challenger this year for the second consecutive cycle, Bozeman activist Garrett Grim decided to launch a write-in campaign for sheriff this year.

“I wanted to run so that I could protect the rights of all residents in Gallatin County and be able to establish a county sheriff that was responsive to the people,” Grimm told Bolts. “I do not like bullies. I believe that they need to be stood up to.”

Even if his odds of winning are low, Grimm says he hopes that his campaign can build more awareness of Springer’s record of partnering with ICE, which is unusual for a public official in a swing county that voted for Kamala Harris over Trump. In fact, such activism and months of protests already spurred the county commission to step in this summer to end Springer’s contract with the federal agency.

Immigrants’ rights also loom large in the county’s prosecutor race, where Democratic County Attorney Audrey Cromwell is running for reelection. 

Cromwell has faced attacks over the last year from Montana Attorney General Austin Knusden, a Republican who said she is violating state law by refusing to share information with ICE and has claimed the authority to supervise her office. Cromwell asked state courts to shield her from Knusden but she is still waiting for a ruling.

Cromwell’s GOP opponent this fall, Jordan Salo, is mirroring Knusden’s attacks; her campaign did not reply to a request for comment on how she’d assist ICE.

Cromwell has faced attacks over the last year from Montana Attorney General Austin Knusden, a Republican who said she is violating state law by refusing to share information with ICE and has claimed the authority to supervise her office. Cromwell asked state courts to shield her from Knusden but she is still waiting for a ruling.

Cromwell’s GOP opponent this fall, Jordan Salo, is mirroring Knusden’s attacks; her campaign did not reply to a request for comment on how she’d assist ICE.

Nebraska | Douglas County (Omaha) prosecutor and sheriff 

During the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement, the Nebraska Democratic Party condemned Doug Kleine, DA of Douglas County (Omaha), for failing to press charges against a white bar owner who killed a Black protester. Kleine responded by becoming a Republican.

Even before his party switch, Kleine was pursuing punitive policies, as Bolts reported during his last reelection including opposing criminal justice reforms and seeking frequent death sentences. He has maintained that approach since then. Last year, Kaine was a big champion of a legislative package that made an array of changes to increase criminal penalties.

One of the law’s most debated aspects was that it lowered the minimum age of detention to 11. 

Omaha’s GOP sheriff, Aaron Hanson, joined Kleine in championing the law and defending more punitive practices toward teenage defendants. Hanson has also tried to convince county officials to cooperate more closely with ICE, though his push to transform the local jail into an immigrant detention center has been rebuffed so far.

Kleine and Hanson now face Democrats in this competitive county. Kleine’s challenger is Makayla Danner, an Omaha city prosecutor who criticized the 2025 law as she launched her campaign. Hanson’s challenger, Mark Martinez, did not reply to a request for comment on his views. Martinez faced a contentious road to the ballot as a local election official briefly said he was ineligible to run until the state supreme court reversed that decision.

New York | Broome County, Orange County, and Otsego County sheriffs

Fred Akshar, the Republican sheriff of Broome County, testified in Congress in September against New York Democrats’ efforts to restrict partnerships with ICE. His county voted for Harris over Trump two years ago, but that didn’t stop Ashkar from embracing the president’s deportation agenda and joining ICE’s 287(g) program. He has remained defiant since the state passed a law this spring banning some forms of local cooperation with ICE, joining a lawsuit to block the law alongside 14 other New York sheriffs.

Akshar faces Democrat Matt Ryan, a former Binghamton mayor who is running on a drastically different approach and says he wants to “kick ICE out.”

Ryan, who unsuccessfully ran for DA in 2023, was arrested alongside other protesters that year during a local gathering to commemorate the murder of Tyre Nichols by Tennessee police. “We all know that they police certain communities and treat certain communities differently,” Ryan told Bolts at the time. “If you’re not in a position of power to change it, then it’s not going to change.” 

Several other New York sheriffs who have assisted ICE are also running for reelection. Otsego County Sheriff Richard Devlin actually lost the GOP primary in June to challenger Michael Stalter, who said he wanted to quit the 287(g) program that Devlin joined—an unusual campaign plank in a GOP primary. But Devlin remains on the ballot as the Conservative Party nominee. 

In populous Orange County, 60 miles north of New York City, Republican Sheriff Paul Arteta has joined the lawsuit against the restrictions on ICE collaboration, a move condemned by his Democratic challenger Bernie Rivers. Arteta had rented out space in his local jail for ICE to detain immigrants, an arrangement he had to end in August due to the new law.

None of the other New York sheriffs who joined the pro-ICE lawsuit, or signed a 287(g) contract, face a contested race this fall, according to Bolts’ analysis. A few are on the ballot this year and face no opponent; but most of these sheriffs are not up for reelection until 2027 or 2028.

North Carolina | Alamance County sheriff

Sheriff Terry Johnson has faced accusations of racism and illegal policing throughout his lengthy tenure. The DOJ investigated him over a decade ago for fostering “a culture of discrimination against Latinos,” and immigrants’ rights protests have continued as Johnson has on-and-off partnered with ICE. 

Bolts and NC Local reported earlier this year on the climate of fear in the county. Johnson, a Republican, faces independent challenger Shannon Long, who says he wants to rebuild trust with local immigrant communities.

Long is making the case that immigration enforcement should primarily be a federal responsibility. “We’re going to do our job, and our job is not to do what they’re doing, which is, right now, racial profiling,” he said. 

North Carolina | Forsyth County (Winston-Salem) prosecutor

Forsyth County DA Jim O’Neill has been a highly visible opponent of criminal justice reforms in North Carolina—a posture that has matched the punitive practices he’s pursued in the DA’s office. Carolina Public Press reported in 2023, for instance, on how O’Neill’s staff stacks charges against defendants to obtain life sentences. O’Neill even called on the legislature to target the state’s Innocence Inquiry Commission when it found evidence that people convicted in his county may be innocent.

O’Neill stands out as a GOP official in a county that voted against Trump in each of the last three presidential elections. In fact, O’Neill himself lost his home county by 12 points in 2020 when he ran for North Carolina attorney general; he narrowly lost statewide to Democrat Josh Stein, who has since become the governor.

But he has faced little opposition when he has run locally. He ran unopposed in 2010 to first secure the office, and was unopposed again in 2014 and 2018. But then he only narrowly prevailed when he faced a challenger in 2022. This year, his Democratic challenger is Amara Hunter, a former prosecutor who now works as a public defender. Hunter’s campaign declined interview requests about her platform unless supplied with advance questions, which Bolts declined; she has said elsewhere she wants to lessen the burdens of low-level convictions.

Texas | Tarrant County County and Fort Bend County prosecutors  

Long before Trump began sowing unfounded doubts about the 2020 presidential race, Republicans in Tarrant County, home to Fort Worth, were notorious for their selective enforcement of election laws and for the harsh prosecution of Crystal Mason, a woman who mistakenly thought she could vote while on probation and was sentenced years in prison.

DA Phil Sorrells, who came into office after the 2022 midterms, has continued that legacy. He helped launch a task force to police local elections, and he continued to prosecute Mason even after an appeals court overturned her conviction in 2024. This fall, he filed criminal charges against Lon Burnam, a former state lawmaker who was expelled from a public meeting and forcibly arrested for speaking out against a GOP plan to dramatically reduce polling places. 

Sorrells faces Democratic challenger Tiffany Burks in a competitive rematch of their 2022 election. Burks, who has worked as a prosecutor in the office, has signaled a very different direction from Sorrells on such cases. “We are talking about a county where they are doing everything that they can to suppress the vote,” she said in an interview last month.

She is currently representing Burnam in court, and she said last month that her “first item on business” as DA would be to drop the county’s efforts to reinstate Mason’s conviction. (That won’t be necessary after all: Texas’ highest criminal court ruled in favor of Mason and against Sorrells on Sept. 24, upholding Mason’s 2024 acquittal.)

The Guardian reported this week that Sorrells’ wife knocked on Mason’s door and asked her to support her husband—despite the DA’s ongoing prosecution of Mason.

Fort Bend County, in the Houston region, is also hosting a DA race that may be competitive. 

Here, Democratic DA Brian Middleton faces Republican Shawn McDonald, who is making the case that the office should be more punitive than under Middleton, and who claims that the incumbent has pursued a liberal agenda in refusing to prosecute some crimes. McDonald’s campaign did not respond to Bolts’ inquiry for more information. Middleton signed statements earlier this decade saying he would not prosecute abortion cases and rebuffing Attorney General Ken Paxton’s directive to investigate gender-affirming care as “child abuse.”

Washington | Klickitat County and Pierce County sheriffs

A ballot measure in Pierce County, Washington’s second largest county and home to Tacoma, would end sheriff elections altogether, Bolts reports. 

It would also cut short the term of Keith Swank, the right-wing sheriff who has trumpeted his opposition to the state’s immigrant protections ever since he won this office in 2024. In testifying against the measure in front of a county board earlier this year, Swank also said he is proud that he is the sheriff facing the most open complaints for misconduct at a state oversight agency.

Should the measure pass, the Democratic executive would appoint a new sheriff in early 2027.

On the other side of Washington, Klichitat County Sheriff Bob Songer, another prominent far-right sheriff, is retiring this year, and voters will decide whether to maintain or change the direction of the office. Songer, part of the “constitutional sheriffs” movement that claims sheriffs have ultimate authority to enforce the U.S. Constitution, has refused to apply state laws and he has said he derives authority from the “Supreme Judge of the Universe.” 

Two candidates are facing off to replace him: Tony Warren, a Republican who says he agrees with Songer’s approach, including that the sheriff has the power to reject state laws, versus independent candidate Dwayne Matulovich, who has said he disagrees with those views.

Washington | Spokane County prosecutor

Larry Haskell, Spokane’s GOP prosecutor from 2014 until his premature resignation in 2025, brought a punitive approach to the office. The Spokesman-Review reported in 2019 that Spokane County was prosecuting far more cases at the felony level, which triggers the harshest sentences, than other large Washington counties, a finding confirmed by a review of county practices later published by local officials. Haskell also used his discretion to try to circumvent sentencing reforms. Haskell was replaced in mid-2025 by Preston McCollam, his chief criminal deputy, who is now running for a full term as a Republican. 

McCollam’s record is unsurprisingly entangled with that of his former boss. He followed Haskell’s lead in 2023 to argue that a local judge should not hear criminal cases because he criticized racism in Spokane County, for instance. As prosecutor, he has mirrored other Republicans in denouncing Washington’s restrictions on local law enforcement collaborating with ICE, saying they are “insulating criminal actors.” (McCollam’s campaign did not reply to requests for an interview.)

McCollam faces Tarkenton, who is challenging him as an independent and has support from local Democrats, including Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown. Tarkenton says she thinks the office is too focused on the tools of traditional prosecution and that she wants to divert more arrests to alternatives like the county’s drug court or a restorative justice program, strategies she says would reduce recidivism. “If we’re prosecuting everything … we’ve just essentially created a revolving door of crime,” she told Bolts. 

Still, Tarkenton says her changes would focus on diverting low-level misdemeanor cases, despite the repeated reports flagging the county’s approach to charge a high share of cases as felonies; she does not back a common reform among progressive DAs to reduce how some cases are charged to avoid felony prosecution. On other issues, Tarkenton said she would support proposed legislation to entirely abolish felony disenfranchisement.

Wisconsin | Sauk County and Winnebago County sheriffs

Two Wisconsin counties where GOP sheriffs joined ICE’s 287(g) program feature contested sheriff elections this fall. Sauk and Winnebago counties are both politically competitive and could see a partisan flip in November—and in both the GOP incumbent is retiring. 

The Democrats running for sheriff both told Bolts that they would terminate their counties’ existing 287(g) contracts should they win office. 

“To participate in any capacity with a law-enforcement entity, willing to be as sloppy and degrading to the job they are and trusted to do is just simply wrong,” Jason Rippl, Democrats’ nominee in Winnebago County, said in an email. He faces Republican Darrin Rice.

“Our priority must be serving the needs of Sauk County, not doing the bidding of the federal government,” said Ryan Jesberger, Democrats’ nominee in Sauk County against Republican Matt Burch. However, Jesberger also said he would retain a separate contract that allows Sauk County to rent jail space to ICE.

Honorable mentions

In Wisconsin’s Racine County, a GOP sheriff is retiring after targeting election workers for years as part of investigations into the 2020 election. His departure guarantees a major changeover, but neither candidate running to replace him replied to Bolts’ repeated inquiries into their views.  

In Colorado’s red-leaning El Paso County, Sheriff Joseph Roybal, who sued against state immigrant protections, is running for a second term. Candidates with significant allegations of misconduct are running for sheriff in several counties, including Kentucky’s Jefferson County (Louisville) and Oregon’s Deschutes County. 

Texas’ Bexar (San Antonio) and Dallas counties, and Massachusetts’ Bristol County are sure to have a new prosecutor come 2027, and Maryland’s Baltimore County is sure to have a new sheriff. The Democratic primary was the key contest to watch in these blue-leaning counties, though each is still hosting a general election.

The Democratic primary also settled the prosecutor races in Burlington, Vermont, and Asheville, North Carolina; neither contest even features a Republican candidate this fall.

Democratic prosecutors in Des Moines, Iowa, and Indianapolis face GOP challengers who say they’d be more punitive, though it would be a major upset for either office to flip given that these are blue-leaning jurisdictions. Similarly, the sheriff of North Carolina’s Buncombe County (Asheville) faces a GOP challenger in a context of recurring clashes with the Republican legislature.

In Louisiana, Caddo Parish’s Democratic DA was once heralded as a reformer who might bring the death penalty under scrutiny—but he has recently been trying to speed up executions. He faces a GOP lawmaker this fall who supported the barrage of punitive laws Louisiana adopted in 2024. In the state’s 15th District (Acadia, Lafayette, and Vermillion parishes), DA Don Landry is running for reelection in the wake of a corruption scandal in which a deputy prosecutor was found guilty of transforming a local diversion program into a bribery scheme. 

And the list goes on. Bolts is monitoring prosecutor elections in Iowa’s Dubuque County and Texas’ Hidalgo County, as well as sheriff elections in Illinois’ Kane and Will counties, New Jersey’s Atlantic County, New Mexico’s Doña Ana and Sandoval counties, North Carolina’s Nash County, and Utah’s Salt Lake County.

All this said, hundreds of this year’s DA and sheriff races are entirely uncontested—in both the primary and the general election. 

For instance, plenty of sheriffs who have partnered with ICE are coasting to reelection with zero opposition, a dynamic that Bolts has chronicled in past cycles. This includes swing counties like Wisconsin’s Brown County and Kenosha County, or Nevada’s Clark County. 

And as Bolts reported in April, not a single one of Oregon’s DA races drew multiple contenders. Said John Hummel, a former DA in Oregon, “Too rarely does a community have a conversation about what they want their criminal justice system to be.”